Read the following text. Choose the best word(s) for each numbered blank and mark A, B, C or D on ANSWER SHEET 1.(10 points)
In 1924 America's National Research Council sent two engineers to supervise a series of experiments at a telephone-parts factory called the Hawthorne Plant near Chicago. It hoped they would learn how shop-floor lighting 1 workers' productivity. Instead, the studies ended 2 giving their name to the "Hawthorne effect," the extremely influential idea that the very 3 of being experimented upon changed subjects' behavior.
The idea arose because of the 4 behavior of the women in the plant. According to 5 of the experiments, their hourly output rose when lighting was increased, but also when it was dimmed. It did not 6 what was done in the experiment; 7 something was changed, productivity rose. A(n) 8 that they were being experimented upon seemed to be 9 to alter workers' behavior 10 itself.
After several decades, the same data were 11 to econometric analysis. The Hawthorne experiments had another surprise in store. 12 the descriptions on record, no systematic 13 was found that levels of productivity were related to changes in lighting.
It turns out that the peculiar way of conducting the experiments may have led to 14 interpretations of what happened. 15 , lighting was always changed on a Sunday. When work started again on Monday , output 16 rose compared with the previous Saturday and 17 to rise for the next couple of days. 18 , a comparison with data for weeks when there was no experimentation showed that output always went up on Mondays. Workers 19 to be deligent for the first few days of the week in any case, before 20 a plateau and then slackening off. This suggests that the alleged "Hawthorne effect" is hard to pin down.
1. [A] affected [B] achieved [C] extracted [D] restored
2. [A] at [B] up [C] with [D] off
3. [A] truth [B] sight [C] act [D] proof
4. [A] controversial [B] perplexing [C] mischievous [D] ambiguous
5. [A] requirements [B] explanations [C] accounts [D] assessments
6. [A] conclude [B] matter [C] indicate [D] work
7. [A] as far as [B] for fear that [C] in case that [D] so long as
8. [A] awareness [B] expectation [C] sentiment [D] illusion
9. [A] suitable [B] excessive [C] enough [D] abundant
10. [A] about [B] for [C] on [D] by
11. [A] compared [B] shown [C] subjected [D] conveyed
12. [A] Contrary to [B] Consistent with [C] Parallel with [D] Peculiar to
13. [A] evidence [B] guidance [C] implication [D] source
14. [A] disputable [B] enlightening [C] reliable [D] misleading
15. [A] In contrast [B] For example [C] In consequence [D] As usual
16. [A] duly [B] accidently [C] unpredictably [D] suddenly
17. [A] failed [B] ceased [C]started [D] continued
18. [A] Therefore [B] Furthermore [C] However [D] Meanwhile
19. [A] attempted [B] tended [C] chose [D] intended
20. [A] breaking [B] climbing [C] surpassing [D] hitting
答案:1-5 ABCBC 6-10 BDACD
11-15 CAADB 16-20 ADCBD
翻译:
1924年,美国国家研究委员会派了两名工程师到芝加哥附近一家名为霍桑工厂的电话部件厂监督一系列实验。该公司希望他们能了解车间照明如何影响工人的生产率。相反,这些研究最终以“霍桑效应”(Hawthorne effect)命名,这是一种极具影响力的观点,认为被实验的行为会改变被试者的行为。
这个想法的产生是由于工厂中女性的争议性行为。根据实验记录,他们每小时的产量会随着光照的增加而增加,也会随着光线的变暗而增加。实验中做了什么并不重要;只要有什么改变,生产力就会提高。意识到他们正在被试验似乎足以改变工人的行为本身。
几十年后,同样的数据进行了计量分析。霍桑的实验还有另一个惊喜。与记录上的描述相反,没有系统的证据表明生产力水平与光照变化有关。
事实证明,进行实验的特殊方式可能导致了对所发生事情的误导性解释。例如,照明总是在周日改变。当周一重新开工时,产量与前一个周六相比适时上升,并在接下来的几天继续上升。然而,与没有实验的几周数据相比,产量总是在周一上升。无论如何,员工往往在一周的头几天都很勤奋,之后就会超过稳定期,然后就会松懈下来。这表明所谓的“霍桑效应”很难确定。
生词 | 发音 | 释义 |
council |
英 [ˈkaʊnsl] 美 [ˈkaʊnsl] |
[ 复数 councils ] |
supervise |
英 [ˈsuːpəvaɪz; ˈsjuːpəvaɪz] 美 [ˈsuːpərvaɪz] |
[ 第三人称单数 supervises 现在分词 supervising 过去式 supervised 过去分词 supervised ] |
shop-floor |
工作场所;工人 | |
shop-floor lighting |
工厂照明 | |
influential |
英 [ˌɪnfluˈenʃl] 美 [ˌɪnfluˈenʃl] |
|
upon |
|
|
arose |
英 [əˈrəʊz] 美 [əˈroʊz] | vi. 出现;引发(arise 的过去式) |
controversial |
英 [ˌkɒntrəˈvɜːʃl] 美 [ˌkɑːntrəˈvɜːrʃl] | adj. 有争议的;有争论的 |
extracted |
|
|
perplexing |
英 [pəˈpleksɪŋ] 美 [pərˈpleksɪŋ] | adj. 复杂的,令人费解的;令人困惑的 |
mischievous |
英 [ˈmɪstʃɪvəs] 美 [ˈmɪstʃɪvəs] | adj. 淘气的;(人、行为等)恶作剧的;有害的 |
ambiguous |
英 [æmˈbɪɡjuəs] 美 [æmˈbɪɡjuəs] | adj. 模糊不清的,模棱两可的;不明确的,不明朗的;引起歧义的 |
assessments |
美 [əˈsesmənts] | 评价 |
hourly |
英 [ˈaʊəli] 美 [ˈaʊərli] |
|
indicate |
英 [ˈɪndɪkeɪt] 美 [ˈɪndɪkeɪt] |
[ 第三人称单数 indicates 现在分词 indicating 过去式 indicated 过去分词 indicated ] |
conclude |
英 [kənˈkluːd] 美 [kənˈkluːd] |
[ 第三人称单数 concludes 现在分词 concluding 过去式 concluded 过去分词 concluded ] |
as far as |
adv. 至于,直到,远到;就…而言 | |
for fear that |
生怕,唯恐;以免;以防万一 | |
in case that |
万一,如果 | |
so long as |
adv. 只要 | |
sentiment |
英 [ˈsentɪmənt] 美 [ˈsentɪmənt] |
[ 复数 sentiments ] |
illusion |
英 [ɪˈluːʒn] 美 [ɪˈluːʒn] |
[ 复数 illusions ] |
excessive |
英 [ɪkˈsesɪv] 美 [ɪkˈsesɪv] | adj. 过多的,极度的;过分的 |
conveyed |
美 [kənˈveɪd] | vt. 传达 |
parallel with |
平行;与…比较 | |
consistent with |
符合;与…一致 | |
peculiar to |
是…特有的 | |
implication |
英 [ˌɪmplɪˈkeɪʃn] 美 [ˌɪmplɪˈkeɪʃn] | n. 含义;暗示;牵连,卷入;可能的结果,影响 |
disputable |
英 [dɪˈspjuːtəbl] 美 [dɪˈspjuːtəbl] | adj. 有讨论余地的;真假可疑的 |
enlightening |
英 [ɪnˈlaɪtnɪŋ] 美 [ɪnˈlaɪtnɪŋ] |
|
in consequence |
因此;结果 | |
duly |
英 [ˈdjuːli] 美 [ˈduːli] |
|
interpretations |
美 [ɪn,tɜːrprɪ'teʃən] | n. [计] 解释 |
diligent |
英 [ˈdɪlɪdʒənt] 美 [ˈdɪlɪdʒənt] |
|
surpassing |
英 [səˈpɑːsɪŋ] 美 [sərˈpæsɪŋ] |
|
plateau |
英 [ˈplætəʊ] 美 [plæˈtoʊ] |
[ 复数 plateaux或plateaus 第三人称单数 plateaus 现在分词 plateauing 过去式 plateaued 过去分词 plateaued ] |
slacking off |
放松;释放;下钻遇阻 | |
alleged |
英 [əˈledʒd] 美 [əˈledʒd] |
|
pin down |
v. 发现,查明;确定;困住;压制;迫使(某人)明确表态 |
Of all the changes that have taken place in English-language newspapers during the past quarter-century, perhaps the most far-reaching has been the inexorable decline in the scope and seriousness of their arts coverage.
It is difficult to the point of impossibility for the average reader under the age of forty to imagine a time when high-quality arts criticism could be found in most big-city newspapers. Yet a considerable number of the most significant collections of criticism published in the 20th century consisted in large part of newspaper reviews. To read such books today is to marvel at the fact that their learned contents were once deemed suitable for publication in general-circulation dailies.
We are even farther removed from the unfocused newspaper reviews published in England between the turn of the 20th century and the eve of World War II, at a time when newsprint was dirt-cheap and stylish arts criticism was considered an ornament to the publications in which it appeared. In those far-off days, it was taken for granted that the critics of major papers would write in detail and at length about the events they covered. Theirs was a serious business, and even those reviewers who wore their learning lightly, like George Bernard Shaw and Ernest Newman, could be trusted to know what they were about. These men believed in journalism as a calling, and were proud to be published in the daily press. "So few authors have brains enough or literary gift enough to keep their own end up in journalism," Newman wrote, "that I am tempted to define 'journalism' as 'a term of contempt applied by writers who are not read to writers who are'."
Unfortunately, these critics are virtually forgotten. Neville Cardus, who wrote for the Manchester Guardian form 1917 until shortly before his death in 1975, is now known solely as a writer of essays on the game of cricket. During his lifetime, thought, he was also one of England's foremost classical-music critics, and a stylist so widely admired that his Autobiography(1947) become a best-seller. He was knighted in 1967, the first music critic to be so honored. Yet only one of his books is now in print, and his vast body of writings on music is unknown save to specialists.
Is there any chance that Cardus' criticism will enjoy a revival? The prospect seems remote. Journalistic tastes had changed long before his death, and postmodern readers have little use for the richly upholstered Vicwardian prose in which he specialized. Moreover, the amateur tradition in music criticism has been in headlong retreat.
21. It is indicated in Paragraphs 1 and 2 that ?
[A] arts criticism has disappeared from big-city newspapers
[B] English-language newspapers used to carry more arts reviews
[C] high-quality newspaper retain a large body of readers
[D] young readers doubt the suitability of criticism on dailies
22. Newspaper reviews in England before World War II were characterized by ?
[A] free themes
[B] casual style
[C] elaborate layout
[D] radical viewpoints
23. Which of the following would Shaw and Newman most probably agree on ?
[A] It is writers' duty to fullfil journalistic goals.
[B] It is contemptible for writers to be journalists.
[C] Writers are likely to be tempted into journalism.
[D] Not all writers are capable of journalistic writing.
24. What can be learned about Cardus according to the last two paragraphs?
[A] His music criticism may not appeal to readers today.
[B] His reputation as a music critic has long been in dispute.
[C] His style caters largely to modern specialists.
[D] His writings fail to follow the amateur tradition.
25. What would be the best title for the text?
[A] Newspapers of the Good Old Days
[B] The Lost Horizm in Newspapers
[C] Mournful Decline of Journalism
[D] Prominent Critics in Memory.
答案:21-25 BADAB
翻译:
在过去25年的英语报纸发生的所有变化中,影响最深远的可能是艺术报道的范围和严肃性的无情下降。
对于年龄在40岁以下的普通读者来说,很难想象在大多数大城市的报纸上都能找到高质量的艺术评论的那个时代。然而,在20世纪出版的大量最重要的批评文集中,有很大一部分是报纸评论。如今读到这样的书的人不禁会对下面这个事实感到惊讶:这些评论之前竟然被认为适合在面向大众的日报上刊登。
我们与20世纪之交到第二次世界大战前夕在英国出版的那些没有重点的报纸评论甚至离得更远,当时的新闻纸非常便宜,时尚的艺术评论被认为是其出版刊物的点缀。在那些遥远的日子里,主流报纸的评论家们详尽地报道他们所报道的事件,被认为是理所当然的。他们的作品是严肃的,即使是那些不怎么卖弄学识的评论家,比如乔治·萧伯纳和欧内斯特·纽曼,也可以相信他们知道自己在写什么。这些人相信新闻业是一种职业,并为能在日报上发表文章而感到自豪。纽曼写道:“很少有作家有足够的头脑或文学天赋来维持自己在新闻业的最终目标,因此我很想把‘新闻业’定义为‘不受读者欢迎的作家对受读者欢迎的作家使用的一种轻蔑的用语’。”
不幸的是,这些批评实际上已经被遗忘了。内维尔·卡德斯(Neville Cardus)从1917年开始为《曼彻斯特卫报》撰稿,直到1975年去世前不久,他现在只以撰写关于板球比赛的文章闻名。在他的一生中,他也是英国最重要的古典音乐评论家之一,也是一位广受赞赏的文体家,以至于他的《自传》(1947)成为了畅销书。1967年,他被封为爵士,成为第一位获此殊荣的音乐评论家。然而,他的书现在只有一本书出版,他大量的音乐著作除了专家外无人知晓。
Cardus的批评有可能重新流行吗?前景似乎很遥远。早在他去世之前,新闻品味就已经改变了,后现代读者对他所擅长的华丽的维多利亚风格散文几乎没有什么用处。此外,音乐评论的业余传统也在急速后退。
生词 | 发音 | 释义 |
quarter-century |
十分之一世纪 | |
far-reaching |
adj. 深远的;广泛的;伸至远处的 | |
inexorable |
英 [ɪnˈeksərəbl] 美 [ɪnˈeksərəbl] | adj. 无情的;不屈不挠的;不可阻挡的;无法改变的 |
decline |
英 [dɪˈklaɪn] 美 [dɪˈklaɪn] |
[ 复数 declines 第三人称单数 declines 现在分词 declining 过去式 declined 过去分词 declined ] |
marvel |
英 [ˈmɑːvl] 美 [ˈmɑːrvl] |
[ 复数 marvels 第三人称单数 marvels 现在分词 marvelling或marveling 过去式 marvelled或marveled 过去分词 marvelled或marveled ] |
consist in |
存在于 | |
deemed |
英 [diːmd] 美 [diːmd] | v. 认为(deem的过去式) |
newsprint |
n. 新闻用纸 | |
dirt-cheap |
英 [ˌdɜːt ˈtʃiːp] |
|
stylish |
英 [ˈstaɪlɪʃ] 美 [ˈstaɪlɪʃ] |
[ 比较级 more stylish 最高级 most stylish ] |
ornament |
英 [ˈɔːnəmənt] 美 [ˈɔːrnəmənt] |
[ 复数 ornaments 第三人称单数 ornaments 现在分词 ornamenting 过去式 ornamented 过去分词 ornamented ] |
publications |
英 [prbli'keiʃnz] 美 [ˌpʌblɪˈkeɪʃnz] | n. 出版物(publication的复数) |
granted |
英 [ˈɡrɑːntɪd] 美 [ˈɡræntɪd] |
|
at length |
最后,终于;详细地 | |
literary |
英 [ˈlɪtərəri] 美 [ˈlɪtəreri] |
[ 比较级 more literary 最高级 most literary ] |
tempted |
英 [ˈtemptɪd] 美 [ˈtemptɪd] |
|
virtually |
英 [ˈvɜːtʃuəli] 美 [ˈvɜːrtʃuəli] | adv. 事实上,几乎;虚拟地,模拟地 |
solely |
英 [ˈsəʊlli] 美 [ˈsoʊlli] | adv. 唯一地,单独地,仅有地 |
cricket |
英 [ˈkrɪkɪt] 美 [ˈkrɪkɪt] |
[ 复数 crickets 第三人称单数 crickets 现在分词 cricketing 过去式 cricketed 过去分词 cricketed ] |
foremost |
英 [ˈfɔːməʊst] 美 [ˈfɔːrmoʊst] |
|
autobiography |
英 [ˌɔːtəbaɪˈɒɡrəfi] 美 [ˌɔːtəbaɪˈɑːɡrəfi] |
[ 复数 autobiographies ] |
knight |
[ 复数 knights 第三人称单数 knights 现在分词 knighting 过去式 knighted 过去分词 knighted ] |
|
vast |
[ 比较级 vaster或more vast 最高级 vastest或most vast ] |
|
revival |
英 [rɪˈvaɪvl] 美 [rɪˈvaɪvl] |
[ 复数 revivals ] |
prospect |
英 [ˈprɒspekt] 美 [ˈprɑːspekt] |
[ 复数 prospects 第三人称单数 prospects 现在分词 prospecting 过去式 prospected 过去分词 prospected ] |
postmodern |
英 [ˌpəʊstˈmɒdn] 美 [ˌpoʊstˈmɑːdərn] | adj. 后现代的 |
upholstered |
英 [ʌpˈhəʊlstəd] 美 [ʌpˈhoʊlstərd] | adj. 装上软垫的;经过布置的 |
prose |
英 [prəʊz] 美 [proʊz] |
[ 复数 proses 第三人称单数 proses 现在分词 prosing 过去式 prosed 过去分词 prosed ] |
headlong |
英 [ˈhedlɒŋ] 美 [ˈhedlɔːŋ] |
|
Over the past decade, thousands of patents have been granted for what are called business methods. Amazon. com received one for its "one-click" online payment system. Merrill Lynch got legal protection for an asset allocation strategy. One inventor patented a technique for lifting a box.
Now the nation's top patent court appears completely ready to scale back on business-method patents, which have been controversial ever since they were first authorized 10 years ago. In a move that has intellectual-property laywers abuzz, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit said it would use a particular case to conduct a broad review of business-method patents. In re Bilski, as the case is known, is "a very big deal," says Dennis D. Crouch of the University of Missouri School of Law. It "has the potential to eliminate an entire class of patents."
Curbs on business-method claims would be a dramatic about-face, because it was the Federal Circuit itself that introduced such patents with its 1998 decision in the so-called State Street Bank case, approving a patent on a way of pooling mutual-fund assets. That ruling produced an explosion in business-method patent filing, initially by emerging Internet companies trying to stake out exclusive rights to specific types of online transactions. Later, more established companies raced to add such patents to their files, if only as a defensive move against rivals that might beat them to the punch. In 2005, IBM noted in a court filing that it had been issued more than 300 business-method patents, despite the fact that it questioned the legal basis for granting them. Similarly, some Wall Street investment firms armed themselves with patents for financial products, even as they took positions in court cases opposing the practice.
The Bilski case involves a claimed patent on a method for hedging risk in the energy market. The Federal Circuit issued an unusual order stating that the case would be heard by all 12 of the court's judges, rather than a typical panel of three, and that one issue it wants to evaluate is whether it should "reconsider" its State Street Bank ruling.
The Federal Circuit's action comes in the wake of a series of recent decisions by the Superme Court that has narrowed the scope of protections for patent holders. Last April, for example, the justices signaled that too many patents were being upheld for "inventions" that are obivious. The judges on the Federal Circuit are "reaching to the anti-patent trend at the Supreme Court," Says Harold C. Wegner, a patent attorney and professor at George Washington University Law Scholl.
26. Business-method patents have recently aroused concern because of ?
[A] their limited value to businesses.
[B] their connection with asset allocation.
[C] the possible restriction on their granting.
[D] the controversy over their authorization.
27. Which of the following is true of the Bilski case?
[A] Its ruling complies with the court decisions.
[B] It involves a very big business transaction.
[C] It has been dismissed by the Federal Circuit.
[D] It may change the legal practices in the U.S.
28. The word "about-face" most probably means ?
[A] loss of goodwill.
[B] increase of hostility.
[C] change of attitude.
[D] enhancement of dignity.
29. We learn from the last two para. that business-method patents ?
[A] are immune to legal challenges.
[B] are often unnecessarily issued.
[C] lower the esteem for patent holders.
[D] increase the incidence of risks.
30. Which of the following would be the subject of the text?
[A] A looming threat to business-method patents.
[B] Protection for business-method patent holders.
[C] A legal case regarding business-method patents.
[D] A prevailing trend against business-method patents.
答案 26-30 CDCBA
翻译:
在过去的十年里,成千上万的专利被授予所谓的商业方法。亚马逊网站因其“一键式”在线支付系统而获得一份。美林的资产配置策略得到了法律保护。一位发明家为提起箱子的技术申请了专利。
如今,美国最高专利法院似乎完全准备缩减商业方法专利的规模。自10年前商业方法专利首次获得批准以来,这些专利一直存在争议。美国联邦巡回上诉法院(U.S. Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit)表示,它将利用一个特殊案例对商业方法专利进行广泛审查,这一举动令知识产权律师们议论纷纷。密苏里大学法学院的丹尼斯·d·克劳奇(Dennis D. Crouch)说,对于众所周知的比尔斯基案件来说,这是“一件非常重大的事情”。它“有可能消除整个专利类别”。
对商业方法专利申请的限制将是一个戏剧性的转变,因为正是联邦巡回法院在1998年对所谓的道富银行案的裁决中引入了这类专利,批准了一项汇集共同基金资产的方法的专利。这一裁决导致商业方法专利申请激增,最初是新兴互联网公司试图获得特定类型在线交易的专有权。后来,更多的知名公司竞相将这类专利添加到他们的文件中,哪怕只是作为一种防御措施,以对抗可能会先发制人的竞争对手。2005年,IBM在一份法庭文件中指出,它已经获得了300多项商业方法专利,尽管它对授予这些专利的法律基础提出了质疑。同样,一些华尔街投资公司用金融产品的专利武装自己,即使他们在法庭上反对这种做法。
Bilski案涉及一项关于能源市场风险对冲方法的专利申请。联邦巡回法院发布了一项不同寻常的命令,宣布该案件将由法院所有12名法官共同听审,而不是典型的三人听审小组,并表示法院希望评估的一个问题是,是否应该“重新考虑”对道富银行的裁决。
联邦巡回上诉法院采取行动之前,美国最高法院(supreme Court)最近做出了一系列决定,缩小了对专利持有者的保护范围。例如,去年4月,大法官们表示,有太多显而易见的“发明”获得了专利支持。联邦巡回上诉法院的法官们“在最高法院趋向于反专利”,乔治华盛顿大学法学院教授、专利律师Harold C. Wegner说道。
生词 | 释义 | 发音 |
patents |
[ 复数 patents 第三人称单数 patents 现在分词 patenting 过去式 patented 过去分词 patented ] |
英 [ˈpæt(ə)nt; ˈpeɪt(ə)nt] 美 [ˈpætnt; ˈpeɪtnt] |
granted |
|
英 [ˈɡrɑːntɪd] 美 [ˈɡræntɪd] |
asset |
[ 复数 assets ] |
英 [ˈæset] 美 [ˈæset] |
allocation |
[ 复数 allocations ] |
英 [ˌæləˈkeɪʃn] 美 [ˌæləˈkeɪʃn] |
scale |
[ 复数 scales 第三人称单数 scales 现在分词 scaling 过去式 scaled 过去分词 scaled ] |
|
abuzz |
adj. 嗡嗡的;嘁嘁喳喳的;呈现忙碌状况(的);议论纷纷(的) | 英 [əˈbʌz] 美 [əˈbʌz] |
appeals |
|
美 [əˈpiːlz] |
federal |
[ 复数 federals ] |
英 [ˈfedərəl] 美 [ˈfedərəl] |
circuit |
[ 复数 circuits 第三人称单数 circuits 现在分词 circuiting 过去式 circuited 过去分词 circuited ] |
英 [ˈsɜːkɪt] 美 [ˈsɜːrkɪt] |
federal circuit |
联邦巡回法院 | |
intellectual property law |
知识产权法 | |
eliminate |
[ 第三人称单数 eliminates 现在分词 eliminating 过去式 eliminated 过去分词 eliminated ] |
英 [ɪˈlɪmɪneɪt] 美 [ɪˈlɪmɪneɪt] |
curbs |
|
美 [kɜːrbz] |
claims |
|
英 [kleɪmz] 美 [kleɪmz] |
approving |
|
|
pooling |
|
|
mutual-fund |
共有基金 | |
explosion |
[ 复数 explosions ] |
英 [ɪkˈspləʊʒn] 美 [ɪkˈsploʊʒn] |
exclusive |
[ 复数 exclusives 比较级 more exclusive 最高级 most exclusive ] |
英 [ɪkˈskluːsɪv] 美 [ɪkˈskluːsɪv] |
stake out |
监视;立桩标出;派警察监视;原文中表示获得 | |
rivals |
|
英 [ˈraɪvlz] 美 [ˈraɪvlz] |
involve |
[ 第三人称单数 involves 现在分词 involving 过去式 involved 过去分词 involved ] |
英 [ɪnˈvɒlv] 美 [ɪnˈvɑːlv] |
hedging |
|
英 [ˈhedʒɪŋ] 美 [ˈhedʒɪŋ] |
enhancement |
[ 复数 enhancements ] |
英 [ɪnˈhɑːnsmənt] 美 [ɪnˈhænsmənt] |
immune |
|
英 [ɪˈmjuːn] 美 [ɪˈmjuːn] |
esteem |
[ 第三人称单数 esteems 现在分词 esteeming 过去式 esteemed 过去分词 esteemed ] |
英 [ɪˈstiːm] 美 [ɪˈstiːm] |
incidence |
[ 复数 incidences ] |
英 [ˈɪnsɪdəns] 美 [ˈɪnsɪdəns] |
looming |
|
英 ['luːmɪŋ] 美 [ˈluːmɪŋ] |
prevailing |
|
英 [prɪˈveɪlɪŋ] 美 [prɪˈveɪlɪŋ] |
In his book The Tipping Point, Malcolm Gladwell argues that "social epidemics" are driven in large part by the actions of a tiny minority of special individuals, often called influentials, who are unusually informed, persuasive, or well connected. The idea is intuitively compelling, but it doesn't explain how ideas actually spread.
The supposed importance of influentials derives from a plausible-sounding but largely untested theory called the "two-step flow of communication": Information flows from the media to the influentials and from them to everyone else. Marketers have embraced the two-step flow because it suggests that if they can just find and influence the influentials, those select people will do most of the work for them. The theory also seems to explain the sudden and unexpected popularity of certain looks, brands, or neighborhoods. In many such cases, a cursory search for causes finds that some small group of people was wearing, promoting, or developing whatever it is before anyone else paid attention. Anecdotal evidence of this kind fits nicely with the idea that only certain special people can drive trends.
In their recent work, however, some researchers have come up with finding that influentials have far less impact on social epidemics than is generally supposed. In fact, they don't seem to be required at all.
The researchers' argument stems from a simple observation about social influence: With the exception of a few celebrities like Oprah Winfrey-----whose outsize presence is primarily a function of media, not interpersonal, influence------even the most influential members of a population simply don't interact with that many others. Yet it is precisely these non-celebrity influentials who, according to the two-step-flow theory, are supposed to drive social epidemics, by influencing their friends and colleagues directly. For a social epidemic to occur, however, each person so affected must then influence his or her own acquaintances, who must in turn influence theirs, and so on; and just how many others pay attention to each of these people has little to do with the initial influential. If people in the network just two degrees removed from the initial influential prove resistant, for example, the cascade of change won't propagate very far or affect many people.
Building on the basic truth about interpersonal influence, the researchers studied the dynamics of social influence by conducting thousands of computer simulations of populations, manipulating a number of variables relating to people's ability to influence others and their tendency to be influenced. They found that the principal requirement for what is called "global cascades"------the widespread propagation of influence through networks------is the presence not of a few influentials but, rather, of a critical mass of easily influenced people.
31. By citing the book The Tipping Point, the author intends to ?
[A] analyze the consequances of social epidemics.
[B] discuss influentials' function in spreading ideas.
[C] examplify people's intuitive response to social epidemics.
[D] describe the essential characteristics of influentials.
32. The author suggests that the "two-step flow theory" ?
[A] serves as a solution to marketing problems.
[B] has helped explain certain prevalent trends.
[C] has won support from influentials.
[D] requires solid evidence for its validity.
33. What the researchers have observed recently shows that ?
[A] the power of influence goes with social interactions.
[B] interpersonal links can be enhanced through the media.
[C] influentials have more channels to reach the public.
[D] most celebrities enjoy wide media attention.
34. The underlined phrase "these people" in Paragraph 4 refers to the ones who ?
[A] stay outside the network of social influence.
[B] have little contact with the source of influence.
[C] are influenced and then influence others.
[D] are influenced by the initial influential.
35. What is the essential element in the dynamics of social influence?
[A] The eagerness to be accepted.
[B] The impulse to influence others.
[C] The readiness to be influenced.
[D] The inclination to rely on others.
答案:31-35 BDACC
翻译:
在《引爆点》一书中,马尔科姆·格拉德威尔认为,“社会流行潮”在很大程度上是由一小撮特殊个体的行为推动的,这些人通常被称为有影响力的人,他们见多识广,有说服力,人脉广。这个想法直觉上很有说服力,但它并没有解释想法实际上是如何传播的。
影响者的重要性来源于一个看似合理但基本上未经验证的理论,即“两步沟通”。信息从媒体流向有影响力的人,又从他们流向其他人。营销人员已经接受了两步流动,因为它表明,如果他们能找到并影响有影响力的人,这些精选的人将为他们做大部分工作。这一理论似乎也解释了为什么某些外貌、品牌或社区会突然间出人意料地流行起来。在许多这样的情况下,对原因的粗略搜索会发现,有一小群人在其他人注意之前就开始穿戴、推广或开发某种东西。这类轶事证据很好地印证了只有某些特殊的人才能推动潮流的观点。
然而,在他们最近的研究中,一些研究人员发现,有影响力的人对社会流行的影响远远小于人们通常认为的。事实上,它们似乎根本不是必需的。
研究人员的论点源于对社会影响的一个简单观察:除了少数名人,比如奥普拉·温弗瑞(Oprah Winfrey),她的巨大影响力主要是媒体的作用,而不是人际关系,影响------即使是人口中最有影响力的人也不会与那么多其他人互动。然而,根据两级流动理论,正是这些非名人的有影响力的人,通过直接影响他们的朋友和同事,推动了社会流行。然而,要使一种社会流行风潮发生,每个受影响的人必须接着影响他或她的熟人,这些熟人必须再影响他们的熟人,如此循环下去;有多少人会关注这些人与最初的有影响力的人没有什么关系。例如,如果网络中距离最初的影响力只有两度的人被证明是抵制的,那么变化的连锁反应就不会传播很远,也不会影响很多人。
基于人际影响的基本事实,研究人员对社会影响的动态进行了研究,他们对人群进行了数千次计算机模拟,操纵了一些与人们影响他人的能力和他们受影响的倾向有关的变量。他们发现所谓的“全球连锁反应”------通过网络广泛传播影响力------的主要要求不是存在少数有影响力的人,而是存在一大批易受影响的人。
生词 | 释义 | 发音 |
epidemic |
[ 复数 epidemics 比较级 more epidemic 最高级 most epidemic ] |
英 [ˌepɪˈdemɪk] 美 [ˌepɪˈdemɪk] |
minority |
[ 复数 minorities ] |
英 [maɪˈnɒrəti] 美 [maɪˈnɔːrəti] |
influential |
|
英 [ˌɪnfluˈenʃl] 美 [ˌɪnfluˈenʃl] |
persuasive |
[ 比较级 more persuasive 最高级 most persuasive ] |
英 [pəˈsweɪsɪv] 美 [pərˈsweɪsɪv] |
intuitively |
adv. 直观地;直觉地 |
英 [ɪnˈtjuːɪtɪvli] 美 [ɪnˈtuːɪtɪvli] |
compelling |
|
英 [kəmˈpelɪŋ] 美 [kəmˈpelɪŋ] |
derive |
[ 第三人称单数 derives 现在分词 deriving 过去式 derived 过去分词 derived ] |
英 [dɪˈraɪv] 美 [dɪˈraɪv] |
plausible |
[ 比较级 more plausible 最高级 most plausible ] |
英 [ˈplɔːzəbl] 美 [ˈplɔːzəbl] |
cursory |
adj. 粗略的;草率的;匆忙的 | 英 [ˈkɜːsəri] 美 [ˈkɜːrsəri] |
anecdotal |
adj. 轶事的;轶事一样的;多轶事的 |
英 [ˌænɪkˈdəʊtl] 美 [ˌænɪkˈdoʊtl] |
impact |
|
英 [ˈɪmpækt] 美 [ˈɪmpækt] |
celebrities |
n. 名人(celebrity 的复数) |
英 [səˈlebrətiz] 美 [səˈlebrətiz] |
primarily |
adv. 主要地,首要地,根本地 | 英 [praɪˈmerəli; ˈpraɪmərəli] 美 [praɪˈmerəli] |
precisely |
adv. 精确地,准确地;恰好,正是(表示强调);(用于表示完全同意)的确如此;严谨地,细致地 | 英 [prɪˈsaɪsli] 美 [prɪˈsaɪsli] |
acquaintance |
[ 复数 acquaintances ] |
英 [əˈkweɪntəns] 美 [əˈkweɪntəns] |
cascade |
[ 复数 cascades 第三人称单数 cascades 现在分词 cascading 过去式 cascaded 过去分词 cascaded ] |
英 [kæˈskeɪd] 美 [kæˈskeɪd] |
propagate |
[ 第三人称单数 propagates 现在分词 propagating 过去式 propagated 过去分词 propagated ] |
英 [ˈprɒpəɡeɪt] 美 [ˈprɑːpəɡeɪt] |
manipulating |
v. 操纵;假造;手动(manipulate的ing形式 | 英 [[məˈnipjuleitɪŋ]] 美 [məˈnɪpjuleɪtɪŋ] |
essential |
[ 复数 essentials 比较级 more essential 最高级 most essential ] |
英 [ɪˈsenʃl] 美 [ɪˈsenʃl] |
prevalent |
adj. 盛行的,普遍的 | 英 [ˈprevələnt] 美 [ˈprevələnt] |
validity |
n. (法律上的)有效,合法,认可;真实性,正确性 | 英 [vəˈlɪdəti] 美 [vəˈlɪdəti] |
inclination |
[ 复数 inclinations ] |
|
Bankers have been blaming themselves for their troubles in public. Behind the scenes, they have been taking aim at someone else: the accounting standard-setters. Their rules, moan the banks, have forced them to report enormous losses, and it's just not fair. These rules say they must value some assets at the price a third party would pay, not the price managers and regulators would like them to fetch.
Unfortunately, banks' lobbying now seems to be working. The details may be unknownable, but the independence of standard-setters, essential to the proper functioning of capital markets, is being compromised. And, unless banks carry toxic assets at prices that attract buyers, reviving the banking system will be difficult.
After a bruising encounter with Congress, America's Fanancial Accounting Standards Board(FASB) rushed through rule changes. These gave banks more freedom to use models to value illiquid assets and more flexibility in recognizing losses on long-term assets in their income statements. Bob Herz, the FASB's chairman, cried out against those who "question our motives." Yet bank shares rose and the changes enhance what one lobbying group politely calls "the use of judgement by management."
European ministers instantly demanded that the International Accounting Standards Board(IASB) do likewise. The IASB says it does not want to act without overall planning, but the pressure to fold when it completes its reconstruction of rules later this year is strong. Charlie McCreevy, a European commissioner, warned the IASB that it did "not live in a political vacuum" but "in the real world" and that Europe could yet develop different rules.
It was banks that were on the wrong planet, with accounts that vastly overvalued assets. Today they argue that market prices overstate losses, because they largely reflect the temporary illiquidity of markets, not the likely extent of bad debts. The truth will not be known for years. But banks' shares trade below their book value, suggesting that investors are skeptical. And dead markets partly reflect the paralysis of banks which will not sell assets for fear of booking losses, yet are reluctant to buy all those supposed bargains.
To get the system working again, losses must be recognized and dealt with. America's new plan to buy up toxic assets will not work unless banks mark assets to levels which buyers find attractive. Successful markets require independent and even combative standard-setters. The FASB and IASB have been exactly that, cleaning up rules on stock options and pensions, for example, against hostility from special interests. But by giving in to critics now they are inviting pressure to make more concessions.
36. Bankers complained that they were forced to ?
[A] follow unfavorable asset evaluation rules.
[B] collect payments from third parties.
[C] cooperate with the price managers.
[D] reevaluate some of their assets.
37. According to the anthor, the rule changes of the FASB may result in ?
[A] the diminishing role of mangement.
[B] the revival of the banking system.
[C] the banks' long-term asset losses.
[D] the weakening of its independence.
38. According to Para 4, McCreevy objects to the IASB's attempt to ?
[A] keep away from political influences.
[B] evade the pressure from their peers.
[C] act on their own in rule-setting.
[D] take gradual measures in reform.
39. The author thinks the banks were "on the wrong planet" in that they ?
[A] misinterpreted market price indicators.
[B] exaggerated the real value of their assets.
[C] neglected the likely existence of bad debts.
[D] denied booking losses in their sale of assets.
40. The author's attitude towards standard-setters in one of ?
[A] satisfaction.
[B] sketicism.
[C] objectiveness.
[D] sympathy.
答案:36-40 ADCBD
翻译:
银行家们一直在为他们在公共场合遇到的麻烦自责。在幕后,他们一直把目标对准别人:会计准则制定者。银行抱怨说,他们的规定迫使他们报告巨大的损失,这是不公平的。这些规则规定,他们必须以第三方愿意支付的价格对某些资产进行估值,而不是按照管理者和监管机构希望资产获得的价格。
不幸的是,银行的游说现在似乎起作用了。细节可能是未知的,但标准制定者的独立性——资本市场正常运转的关键——正在受到损害。而且,除非银行以吸引买家的价格持有不良资产,否则重振银行体系将是困难的。
在与国会激烈交锋后,美国金融会计准则委员会(FASB)匆忙通过了规则修改。这使得银行在使用模型评估非流动性资产时更加自由,在确认损益表中的长期资产损失时也更加灵活。FASB主席Bob Herz强烈反对那些“质疑我们的动机”的人。然而,银行股价上涨,这些变化加强了一个游说团体礼貌地称之为“管理层判断的运用”。
欧洲各国部长立即要求国际会计准则理事会(IASB)也这样做。IASB表示,它不想在没有总体规划的情况下采取行动,但在今年晚些时候完成规则重建时,它面临着巨大的压力。欧盟委员查理•麦克里维(Charlie McCreevy)警告IASB,它“并非生活在政治真空中”,而是“生活在现实世界中”,欧洲仍有可能制定不同的规则。
是银行在错误的星球上,账户上的资产被严重高估。如今,他们认为市场价格夸大了损失,因为它们主要反映的是市场暂时的流动性不足,而不是坏账的可能程度。真相在数年内都不会为人所知。但银行股的交易价格低于账面价值,表明投资者对此持怀疑态度。停滞的市场在一定程度上反映了银行的瘫痪,这些银行因为担心账面损失而不愿出售资产,同时也不愿购买那些所谓的廉价资产。
为了让系统重新运转,损失必须被确认和处理。除非银行将资产定价到买家认为有吸引力的水平,否则美国收购不良资产的新计划不会奏效。成功的市场需要独立甚至好斗的标准制定者。FASB和IASB正是这样做的,例如,针对特殊利益集团的敌意,清理了股票期权和养老金的规定。但现在向批评人士让步,他们正面临做出更多让步的压力。
生词 | 释义 | 发音 |
moan |
[ 复数 moans 第三人称单数 moans 现在分词 moaning 过去式 moaned 过去分词 moaned ] |
英 [məʊn] 美 [moʊn] |
regulators |
n. 调整者;监管者;调节阀(regulator的复数形式) | |
fetch |
[ 复数 fetches 第三人称单数 fetches 现在分词 fetching 过去式 fetched 过去分词 fetched ] |
英 [fetʃ] 美 [fetʃ] |
lobbying |
|
英 ['lɒbɪɪŋ] |
toxic |
adj. 有毒的;中毒的 | 英 [ˈtɒksɪk] 美 [ˈtɑːksɪk] |
reviving |
|
英 [ri'vaiviŋ] 美 [rɪˈvaɪvɪŋ] |
bruising |
|
英 [ˈbruːzɪŋ] 美 [ˈbruːzɪŋ] |
encounter |
[ 复数 encounters 第三人称单数 encounters 现在分词 encountering 过去式 encountered 过去分词 encountered ] |
英 [ɪnˈkaʊntə(r)] 美 [ɪnˈkaʊntər] |
illiquid |
adj. (资产)不可立即兑现的;(市场)参与者少的 | 英 [ɪˈlɪkwɪd] 美 [ɪ'lɪkwɪd] |
instantly |
|
英 [ˈɪnstəntli] 美 [ˈɪnstəntli] |
likewise |
adv. 同样地,类似地;(表示感觉相同)我也是,我有同感;也,还 | 英 [ˈlaɪkwaɪz] 美 [ˈlaɪkwaɪz] |
vastly |
adv. 非常,极其;极大地,广大地;深远地 | 英 [ˈvɑːstli] 美 [ˈvæstli] |
overstate |
v. 夸大,对……言过其实 | 英 [ˌəʊvəˈsteɪt] 美 [ˌoʊvərˈsteɪt] |
temporary |
[ 复数 temporaries ] |
英 [ˈtemprəri] 美 [ˈtempəreri] |
extent |
[ 复数 extents ] |
英 [ɪkˈstent] 美 [ɪkˈstent] |
skeptical |
[ 比较级 more skeptical 最高级 most skeptical ] |
英 [ˈskeptɪkl] 美 [ˈskeptɪkl] |
paralysis |
[ 复数 paralyses ] |
英 [pəˈræləsɪs] 美 [pəˈræləsɪs] |
reluctant |
[ 比较级 more reluctant 最高级 most reluctant ] |
英 [rɪˈlʌktənt] 美 [rɪˈlʌktənt] |
bargains |
|
英 ['ba:ginz] 美 ['ba:ginz] |
combative |
adj. 好战的,好争论的 | |
pensions |
|
美 [ˈpenʃnz] |
hostility |
[ 复数 hostilities ] |
英 [hɒˈstɪləti] 美 [hɑːˈstɪləti] |
concessions |
n. 让步,让与(concession的复数形式);(票价)优惠 | 英 [kənˈseʃ(ə)nz] 美 [kənˈseʃnz] |